Crisis in Haiti: the country seeks to overcome the cycle of violence and the challenge of criminal gangs

Yerandi Santana
8 Min Read

The situation of violence in Haiti does not give respite. The challenge of criminal gangs challenges the authority of the State. The Viv Ansanm coalition (“Living Together”) and the Gran Gif gang (“Big Claw”) control entire neighborhoods of the capital, Port-au-Prince, and have become strong in the Artibonite regions and the Plateau Central. According to data from the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti, between January and November 2025, there were 8100 murders. The arrival in April of next year of 5500 troops, who will integrate the Gang Suppression Force – under the mandate of the UN Security Council –, is expected with anticipation by the Haitian government. After the end of the mandate of the Presidential Transition Council (CPT), until the next presidential and legislative elections, the powers of the Executive Branch have been transferred to the premier, Alix Didier Fils-Aimé, and his council of ministers, who have the support of the international community. The Provisional Electoral Council (CEP) set the August 30, 2026 for the first round of presidential and legislative elections. If necessary, there will be a second round on December 6. The goal is for the elected authorities to assume their duties on January 20, 2027.

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A spiral of criminality that challenges the authority of the Haitian State

To learn about the causes and possible solutions to the current crisis in the Caribbean country, DEF dialogued with Jean Rony Alexandre, leader of the National Renewal party, which is part of the “Historic Commitment” coalition. The young leader, 36 years old, referred to the complex situation facing Haiti and the role that the international community can play in collaborating in the recovery of the State’s police power, now challenged by organized crime.

What is the current security situation in your country?

-As of today, the security situation in Haiti remains extremely fragile. We are facing a deep and persistent crisis. Not only in the capital, Port-au-Prince, but also in the Artibonite (area located in the west-central part of the island) and in some areas of the Plateau Central (Central Plateau). There, armed groups control large parts of the territory. Their presence severely limits the movement of people and goods and paralyzes economic, educational, and social activity in many communities. The State continues to act, but its capacities are insufficient given the magnitude of the challenge.

Has the State managed to regain control?

-There were partial reconquests of certain territories, but when the pressure decreases, the armed groups try to regain control. The State continues to exist, but its capacities are insufficient to face the magnitude of the challenge. Public authorities continue to struggle to impose their sustained presence on the ground. We have observed, in recent days, an intensification of the operations of the Armed Forces, the National Police and the Gang Suppression Force (an international force authorized by the UN Security Council). The progressive arrival of new equipment and materials will allow to reinforce that presence.
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How will the new Gang Suppression Force work?

-The government is preparing for the arrival of the new international force, with a staff of 5500 personnel, which will replace the previous mission –the Multinational Security Support Mission, created in 2023 and led by Kenya–. The new force will work, together with the Haitian authorities, to neutralize criminal gangs, guarantee the security of critical infrastructures, facilitate access to humanitarian aid for the population and create the necessary conditions for the holding of elections, with the aim of a return of the country to constitutional order.

A crisis with deep roots, demanding multiple responses

How can the international community collaborate?

-Experience clearly shows that the crisis in Haiti cannot be resolved solely by resorting to force. A security-focused response can contain violence, but does not address the root causes of instability. It is necessary to strengthen the capabilities of the Haitian public forces to re-establish control of the territory. But this effort must be accompanied by support for Justice, the fight against corruption and the functioning of institutions. Without a solid rule of law, no progress in security will be sustainable over time.

-What other actions does the Haitian people need to overcome the crisis?

-The economic dimension is crucial. Investments are needed in sectors that create employment: infrastructure, agriculture, small businesses, and vocational training. This will provide a life perspective for young people and reduce their recruitment by armed gangs. Security and development must go hand in hand.

-What regional and international actors can provide the most support?

-The traditional partners of Haiti are the United StatesFrance and Canada. They can play an important role, whether through financingtechnical cooperationinstitutional support and diplomatic accompaniment. But all this must be given in a logic of collaboration and not of substitution of the Haitian authorities. In short, the stabilization of Haiti requires a global approach: security, strong institutions and economic development must go hand in hand.
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The Role of the United States: Arms Traffic Control, Political Transition, and Investments

How does the United States view its role in the Haitian crisis?

The United States obviously has a particular responsibility towards Haiti, due to its geographical proximity, its historical ties and its political and economic influence in the region. It can play a decisive role at different levels. In terms of security, with funding, logistics and equipment for the Haitian forces, as well as for the new international mission. It can also contribute decisively to the fight against arms trafficking and transnational criminal networks that fuel the violence of gangs in Haiti.

What other actions will be necessary?

The U.S. contribution should not be limited to security, but must include a diplomatic and economic facet: supporting the political transition, encouraging institutional dialogue for the rapid return to constitutional order, and favoring investments that allow for job creation and provide stability. We advocate for a strengthening of that cooperation with Washington, both in terms of security and economic development, direct investments and knowledge transfer, particularly technological. Haiti could benefit in terms of modernization of public administration and strengthening its institutions.
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